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Nazis = Operation Gladio - NATO's Darkest Secret
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TonyGosling
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PostPosted: Fri Jul 15, 2011 11:55 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

More on the topic this week
Final part of interview with Daniele Ganser.
http://www.radio4all.net/index.php/program/53136

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http://utangente.free.fr/2003/media2003.pdf
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PostPosted: Thu Aug 25, 2011 12:13 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

Gladio, as it is defined nowadays, forms part of what I have always referred to as "parallel structures". That is an invisible army that is not poised for battle against a hypothetical invader, but rather one meant to be used internally against what the military have always called 'The Fifth Column' of the USSR. The Communist Party and the Extreme Left.
VINCENZO VINCIGUERRA
Former member of Neo-Fascist Group - 'Ordo Nuova'

2hr:30min long YouTube version of BBC Gadio Timewatch Film

If this film were made nowadays the BBC would not show it - in fact it has never been repeated despite the BBC saying they are strapped for cash

Link

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7fB6nViwJcM

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http://utangente.free.fr/2003/media2003.pdf
"The maintenance of secrets acts like a psychic poison which alienates the possessor from the community" Carl Jung
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PostPosted: Sun Feb 05, 2012 11:00 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Ten Years after 9 11 - Dr Daniele Ganser at University of Basel
1 hour 20 mins
His presentation is entitled
The Terrorist Attacks Of September 11th 2001
What do we know ten years later? An historical investigation.
In cooperation with Indiana University USA.

Let's get him over!!!

Link

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2V1DnwUCb4Y

Mirrored: http://www.youtube.com/user/radio24. Please also see video responses and play lists "9/11 insights" on this and my main channel: http://www.youtube.com/user/sundrumify

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www.radio4all.net/index.php/contributor/2149
http://utangente.free.fr/2003/media2003.pdf
"The maintenance of secrets acts like a psychic poison which alienates the possessor from the community" Carl Jung
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PostPosted: Thu Feb 16, 2012 10:53 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

New info about where UK Gladio 'stay behind' operatives may have been recruited.

Extracted From:
From Satan To Christ
Secrets of witchcraft and satanism revealed in a story of salvation
By Sean Manchester
Pub. Holy Grail (1988)
Extract pp. 20-23

The London Evening News, 3rd July 1974, published a photograph of two dolls with pins stuck through the head and body: "These are the voodoo dolls a witchcraft high priest used to put 'the mark of death' on two detectives," ran the story. "David Farrant, who was found guilty at the Old Bailey this afternoon of trying to influence the detectives' evidence, sent the dolls so they would be afraid to testify against a man arrested on an indecency charge. The prosecution had alleged that following the arrest of a man called John Russell Pope on New Year's Eve, Farrant sent the dolls to the detectives."
In the previous month Farrant was found guilty of other charges: "King of black magic guilty," proclaimed the front page headline of the Sun, 26th June 1974: "A man who called himself a high priest of witchcraft was convicted last night of breaking into tombs. In his summing-up, judge Michael Argyle talked of frightened witnesses. He said they feared the accused man, 28 year-old David Farrant, and his talk of black magic. Farrant, of Archway Road, Highgate, was found guilty at the Old Bailey of maliciously damaging a memorial to the dead and unlawfully entering a place of burial and interfering with bodies Wearing a long black cape, he sat impassively in the dock as the verdicts were announced. During the twelve-day case the jury heard of strange witchcraft ceremonies, attempts to communicate with the dead, and sexual fertility and initiation rites. They were shown a folder of photographs ...... some described as 'horrific' ..... The judge named John Pope, a former follower of Farrant, as one of the scared people. 'He became very frightened of Farrant,' said the judge. 'He feared he might have some kind of power over him' ."
With Farrant behind bars, Pope organised his own diabolical order and affiliated with the Church of Satan's United Kingdom representative Ron Adams. Under the banner United Temples of Satan Pope was soon filling the gap in the sensational press left by his publicity-hungry friend. Frightened or not, he set out to usurp Farrant almost immediately following his release from prison. "When the incarcerated necromancer was released on parole recenty, John Pope greeted him with a challenge to a 'black magic duel' in Highgate Wood. 'Black magic has no time for failures. I was just eliminating the competition'," he boasted in a full page feature in the Hendon Times, 2nd June 1977, in which he adopted the title "Son of the Beast" - vaunting the re-establishment of a Satanic order based on Crowley's teachings.
A Daily Mirror journalist, Margaret Hall, was present in the phalanx of assembled photographers and reporters. Her newspaper the following day reported: "On the one side of the park was the 'high priest', David Farrant. On the other was the 'black magician', John Pope. They cast evil spells. They called down terrifying curses. They mumbled and they gabbled as they celebrated Hallowe'en by trying to eliminate each other ..... They clashed to decide who should be boss of the occult." Neither managed to do anything beyond taunting before police and park-keepers put an end to their asinine behaviour.
Their power struggle was soon resolved, however, as Pope explained in an exclusive interview in October 1987: "I did at a later date join Mr. Farrant's organisation and he did give me a number of talismans and rituals which I found very powerful, one of which I used against Crawford which enabled me to defeat him. I would not have been able to without it. Crawford was a very powerful ritual magician," Pope claimed. When asked what he meant by "defeating Crawford", he admitted to employing a curse to harm the person, adding: "He lost his job. He lost his wife. He lost his home and became very ill. He eventually went to live in France." David Crawford was a rival of Pope who ran the Bedford branch of the Brotherhood of the Ram. Pope rejoined Farrant's "organisation" in 1981 when the "talismans" and "rituals" would have been provided.
In his obscure curriculum vitae Pope devotes seven pages to a summary of his life as a magician. A Satanic federation is described wherein the various members are alleged to have treated him as royalty. The Black Shadow, run by a certain David Marriott in Luton, Bedfordshire, is one of the groups referred to in this unholy alliance and of his visits Pope disclosed: "I was wined and dined and I could have sex with any of the women in his temple. Which in fact I did, making love to a number of women. There were drugs too."
In the same piece of audacious egocentricity Pope claims that his own members sent him money which resulted in him becoming quite "well off'. He ends by announcing his retirement from the occult scene, claiming to have asserted himself as the greatest magician since Aleister Crowley.
At times during his Satanic career John Pope corresponded with the neo-Nazi British Movement and League of St. George. Initially this was to extract information about Hitler's occult interests, but little help was forthcoming in that particular direction. Although at odds with some of their racial theories, he found much of their material "quite good" and supported the Fuehrer's invasion of Russia. Hitler understood the Communist threat and was absolutely right to attack, Pope proclaimed with a certain amount of glee, adding that if Britain had joined the Nazis there would be no Russian Communism today.
Attempts by myself to establish a tangible link between Satanism and Nazism fell on stony ground in the wake of a Sunday People report in October 1977 which would abort my investigations.
I had begun a series of articles for the Borehamwood Post in the previous month and my first published report exposed a cell of neo-Nazis linked to Column 88 and the League of St. George. However, I was yet to reveal a connection with the occult. This I intended in my next article which, due to the powerful Sunday People, would never materialise. Their journalist, Frank Thorne, produced an article claiming that the neo-Nazi cell uncovered by myself was non-existent and that the photographs used were not genuine. Two pictures published by the Sunday People were of John Pope: one in a Satanic robe, the other in a black outfit complete with swastika. Pope was quoted in a manner detrimental to my report and protestations over the following weeks that he had been misquoted and had words put in his mouth by reporters from the Sunday People, did little for my case. The damage had already been done.
The newspaper chose to ignore evidence that over the years Pope had tried to recruit youngsters for a "survivalist" group whose avowed intention was to "protect" Britain from the "foreign invader" and "Communist threat". His fascism was bogus they claimed.
The attack upon my integrity made a credible pursuit of the Nazi-Satanist connection impossible and such evidence I had soon went cold. Some months later, however, an organisation identified in my original report was named throughout the media as being behind a series of racially motivated fire-bombings. This total vindication of my investigation did not prompt me to waste valuable time and energy in a protracted legal action with the Sunday People as it has been my policy over the years not to sue any publication for libel - otherwise much of my time would be taken up doing little else;
Notwithstanding my reluctance to waste valuable resources on scandal-mongers, I nevertheless made it my business to investigate thoroughly the journalist responsible. His source was none other than David Farrant!
The Sunday People originally invited Farrant to their offices in New Fetter Lane and here he collaborated with Frank Thorne. Farrant provided Pope's address and their combined corroboration was all the newspaper needed to publish its lies. Thus the entire Sunday People story was gleaned from two of my most vociferous adversaries. Such is the morality of the gutter press that I have long since refused to be interviewed by them.
Ten years later - in the shadow of his occult retirement - Pope finally renounced Satanism, black magic and witchcraft. He changed his name by deed poll and married a Roman Catholic at St. Joseph's Church, Highgate, in November 1987. By a strange coincidence this was the church at which Farrant was married almost exactly twenty years earlier.
Apart from a brief flirtation with extremist politics two years after his release from prison, when he threatened to stand as a candidate in the marginal Homsey constituency under a "Wiccans Awake" banner, not much more was heard of Farrant. He teamed up with arch-Satanist Jean-Paul Bourre at the beginning of 1980 and in the following years tried to stage further animal sacrifices in Paris, but the public outcry thwarted all such attempts. Bourre was obliged to regurgitate strictly pre-incarceration events about Farrant in his dreary publications devoted to malefic occultism. Before meeting his British counterpart, Bourre had made a number of nefarious nocturnal forays to the famous Pere-Lachaise cemetery which resulted in him being banned from entry by the Mayor of Paris.
I met Jean-Paul Bourre briefly at the end of 1979, as recounted in my earlier work on this subject, when he came to London to do research on a book to be published in France the following spring. Entitled Messes Rouges et Romantisme Noire, this apologia for black magic sang the praises of David Farrant whom Bourre had met several times in the interim. Inside the book a photograph appeared of a written "curse" bearing my initials. It had apparently been directed at Nathalie Sarazin who was living with Bourre in Paris at the time.

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PostPosted: Fri Jun 22, 2012 10:38 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

The Neo-Nazi Terror Group “NSU” & the 1980 Oktoberfest Bombing
http://www.solon-line.de/2011/12/21/the-neo-nazi-terror-group-nsu-the- 1980-oktoberfest-bombing/
by Michael Liebig

After November 4, 2011, the German public has experienced a kind of shock wave. The cause wasn’t yet another twist of the “euro crisis”, but the realization that there was something in Germany that wasn’t supposed to exist. Something for which neither the public nor the government were prepared: A neo-nazi terrorist cell that had committed 10 murders, carried out at least a dozen bank robberies, and was probably responsible for several bomb and arson attacks.

On that November the 4th, an armed bank robbery occurred in Eisenach (Thuringia). A short time later, the two alleged perpetrators were found dead in a camper van – they had committed suicide. On the same day, a fire broke out in a house in Zwickau (Saxonia). In this house, the two bank robbers, Uwe Böhnhardt (34) and Uwe Mundlos (38), had lived. The fire was set by Beate Zschäpe (36), who lived there as well. She surrendered to the police on Nov. 8.

In the camper and the Zwickau apartment, several weapons were found, including a Ceska pistol, with which eight Turks and one Greek – all of them small shopkeepers – had been murdered. The serial murders had occurred across Germany between 2001 and 2009. Also, a Tokarev pistol was found, with which the german policewoman Michele Kiesewetter had been shot dead in 2007. In the rubble of the Zwickau apartment, police found a video on a computer hard drive. The video was a kind of cynical “cartoon film” in which a “National-Socialist Underground” (NSU) group boasted the 10 murders.

The public was not only shocked by existence of a neo-nazi terrorist group. Equally shocking was fact that the security agencies had been in the dark with respect to this terrorist cell. Since November the 4th, not a day has gone by without new disturbing revelations in the media. Some of the media reports are factual, others are conjectures and speculation. Whatever, the question marks on this case are not on the decline, but multiply.

What Went Wrong with the Security Agencies?

It quickly became apparent that Böhnhardt, Mundlos and Zschäpe were not unknown to the security agencies and the police. The trio had been quite active in the neo-nazi scene, which is being monitored by the domestic intelligence services and police. Starting in the mid-1990s, they participated in neo-nazi demonstrations and events. When, in January 1997, neo-nazi hate mail, mock letter bombs and mock explosive devices turned up in Thuringia, the trio was detained in the course of police investigations, but soon thereafter they were released. That’s normal under the rule of law when there is insufficient evidence. In a September 1997 police search in the neo-nazi milieu, real explosives were found and there was evidence pointing to the trio. When an arrest warrant was issued in January 1998, the three had disappeared, leaving behind explosives and neo-nazi propaganda material.

For the next 13 years, the neo-nazi trio remained untraceable for the domestic intelligence services and police – until November 4, 2011. And that’s the really disturbing issue. Obviously, something had gone terribly wrong with the security authorities.

Besides lots of perfectly comprehensible criticism and critical questions on the conduct of the security agencies in the media and the political sphere, conspiracy theories have popped up in the internet: The NSU terrorist cell would have been “deliberately ignored” by the security agencies, the latter might have “aided” or even “controlled” the neo-nazi group. These allegations against the security agencies are patently absurd. But the disturbing question remains: Why were the security agencies incapable to recognize the formation of a terrorist neo-nazi group? Why were they unable to attribute a series of nine murders to a neo-nazi context?

If you talk to knowledgeable people who are familiar with the modus operandi of the domestic intelligence services and the police in dealing with extremism and terrorism, you get three explanations for what has gone so terribly wrong:
Right-wing/neo-nazi violence against foreigners, minorities and leftists is an undisputed fact. But these rather widespread acts of violence had been “limited” to (often severe) bodily injury. Such assaults typically occur in a highly affective mode of behavior, often under the influence of alcohol. Cases of carefully planned political murders – committed in cold blood – had been unknown in the neo-nazi scene.
For the security agencies, the generally accepted assumption was that terrorism is really the exclusive domain of islamist and left-wing extremists. Security officials were fixated on Islamist and leftist terrorism. In nine of the murders committed by NSU terror cell, the same weapon was used, but because the murders did not fit the patterns of Islamist or leftist terrorism, the investigations focused on an organized crime background. It seems, the possibility of neo-nazi terrorism was not taken into consideration. That the serial murders could be acts of neo-nazi terrorism seemed “unimaginable”.
In addition, there are the typical bureaucratic frictions and blockages in information exchange and cooperation between the various intelligence services and police authorities. There was no “situation room” bundling and cross-checking the data of various agencies dealing with right-wing extremism.

These three explanations for the systemic failure of the security agencies with respect to neo-nazi terrorism are sound and plausible. However, do they provide a sufficient explanation?

The head of the German domestic intelligence service (BfV), Heinz Fromm, said on Nov. 27: “We have not really understood these [NSU] perpetrators… We could image them committing arson or even bomb attacks, but not committing cold-blooded executions. We should have known better”.

The question that remains unanswered is: What could explain the NSU cell’s “quantum leap” from “normal” right-wing extremist violence towards neo-nazi terrorism in an armed underground mode?
Two Characteristics of Neo-Nazi Terror Group

As the case of the NSU terror cell shows, there are two distinctive features in the phenomenology of neo-nazi terrorism. They might give a clue for answering this question:
The conspiratorial, apparently “professional” conduct of the NSU-terror cell. To remain undetected for 13 years in an “underground” mode of operation, is no small feat – even if we consider the systemic failures of the security agencies. When you go “underground”, you still need apartments, bank accounts, ID cards, vehicle registrations, credit cards (or their counterfeits). A series of arrests since Nov. 4, confirms that the NSU terror cell operated within an covert network of supporters. This clandestine network provided false identities, logistical support and possibly warnings against actions by intelligence and law enforcement agencies. These supporters of the NSU terror cell came from the neo-nazi milieu. In spite of the fact that this milieu is being monitored by the security agencies, including undercover agents, the neo-nazi support network for the NSU terror group remained intact for 13 years.
A new kind of “political communication” of the neo-nazi terrorists. The NSU terror cell did not publish any “claim of responsibility” in the way that islamist or leftist terrorists ideologically “justify” their actions. Instead of lengthy and convoluted ideological “communiques”, the neo-nazi terrorists used a cynical “cartoon” technique. In their video, the NSU terror cell represents itself as the cartoon character “Pink Panther”, who is featured together with photographs of the murdered victims and the crime scenes. This stunningly cynical “political communication” necessitates appropriate sociological and psychological analysis. However, the underlying principle of this type of “political communication” is explicitly featured in the video: “Pink Panther” holds up a poster on which is written: “Not words but deeds.”
The Oktoberfest Bombing

Both the conspiratorial mode of behavior of the neo-nazi terror group and its “propaganda by deeds” approach point to earlier manifestations of right-wing terrorism, particularly by neo-fascist groups in Italy. But there is also a German precedent of right-wing terrorism: The bombing of the Munich Oktoberfest in 1980, in which 13 people were killed and 211 wounded.

Among the dead was Gundolf Köhler, who was officially declared the “lone assassin”. However, Köhler had connections to various neo-nazi groups. He had participated in paramilitary trainings of the neo-nazi “WSG Hoffmann” group. Another link was to the right-wing extremist Heinz Lembke. When Lembke was arrested – a year after the Munich bombing – he led the police to a total of 33 secret weapons caches in northern Germany, where automatic weapons, large quantities of ammunition, 250 hand grenades, 150 kg of TNT and bazookas were hidden. Shortly thereafter, Lembke committed suicide in prison. The two chief suspects being dead, the case was closed in 1982.

Now, 31 years after Munich Oktoberfest bombing and 29 years after Köhler was officially declared “lone assassin”, the Bavarian State Parliament and the Munich City Council have – both by unanimous vote – demanded that the judicial investigation into Oktoberfest bombing shall be reopened. And, that the evidence of its neo-nazi background, accumulated over the years by journalistic investigators, historians and lawyers of victims of the bombing, be reviewed.
Cold War Neo-Nazis & the „New Generation“ Neo-Nazis

The Swiss historian Daniele Ganser – a serious scientist, not a promoter of conspiracy theories – has suggested a possible connection of the Munich bombing and the “Gladio” network. What was Gladio? Under the direction of American and British intelligence services, a clandestine network of “sleeper” operatives and arms stashes was set up in all West European NATO countries. The purpose of Gladio was the conduct of guerrilla warfare if the Soviets had conquered and occupied Western Europe. In 1991, Italian prime minister Giulio Andreotti had revealed the existence of Gladio.

However, the Gladio structure as such, is the wrong focus. As Ganser points out, the Gladio organization included a significant number of militant right-wing extremists. In the Cold War context, that’s not surprising: right-wing extremists were the most committed anti-communists.

The penetration of Gladio by militant right-wing extremists has been clearly established through prosecutorial investigations and parliamentary commissions of inquiry in Italy. These official investigations also show that right-extremist groups were responsible for several bloody terrorist attacks between 1969 and 1980. The most severe neo-fascist terror attack was the bombing of the Bologna train station – with 85 persons killed – on August 2, 1980. The bombing of the Munich Oktoberfest occurred on September 26, 1980.

In 1991, the German government declared that the Gladio network in Germany had been entirely dissolved. This statement is credible. However, what has happened with the rank and file operatives after Gladio’s dissolution? To put the question more precisely: what did the right-extremist Gladio elements do after they were “decommissioned”? Did these right-wing extremists let their operational skills in underground warfare and their neo-nazi ideological convictions simply fade away?

Or, might there have been a kind of “transfer” between between old right-extremists of the Cold War era and the new generation of neo-nazis which began to flourish in the 1990s – particularly in Eastern Germany? The NSU terror cell is an outgrowth of this right-wing extremist milieu. Whether there existed a link between old right-extremists of the Cold War era and the NSU terrorists, is a hypothesis. But such an hypothesis seems plausible enough to deserve an unbiased review by the 400 plus police investigators and intelligence experts who are currently working on the case of the neo-nazi NSU terror cell.

The Neo-Nazi Terror Group “NSU” & the 1980 Oktoberfest Bombing
Von Michael Liebig; weitere Beiträge von Michael Liebig finden Sie hier: michaelliebig

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http://utangente.free.fr/2003/media2003.pdf
"The maintenance of secrets acts like a psychic poison which alienates the possessor from the community" Carl Jung
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Last edited by TonyGosling on Thu Jul 19, 2012 9:44 pm; edited 2 times in total
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PostPosted: Fri Jun 22, 2012 10:41 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

new book
Gladio: NATO's Dagger at the Heart of Europe: The Pentagon-Nazi-Mafia Terror Axis
http://www.amazon.co.uk/Gladio-Dagger-Europe-Pentagon-Nazi-Mafia-Terro r/dp/1615776877/

Richard Cottrell's Gladio is a tour de force. Explosive, topical, and up to the minute, it takes the reader into realms of research usually reserved to those who spend years digging deep into history. Cottrell presents a wealth of insight and factual knowledge that is unmatched. Gladio is a must have for anyone who values the truth.
-- Madison Ruppert
http://endthelie.com/
Masquerading as a rear guard against a possible Communist takeover, NATO's covert special forces are in reality a hideous cancer poisoning European democracy. The dirty war projects have included the Italian Strategy of Tension, the Red Brigades and Baader Meinhof/Red Army Faction, the Banco Ambrosiano scandal, the deaths of Italian ex-PM Aldo Moro, banker Roberto Calvi, media magnate Robert Maxwell, Swedish PM Olaf Palme, and "The Umbrella Murder," as well as the attempt on Pope John Paul II's life; the sex snare set for British PM Harold Wilson, and the Cyprus genocide. Gladio architect Lyman Lemnitzer is implicated in the 1944 reintroduction of the Mafia into Sicily and the murder of the Kennedy brothers. Covert NATO operations were behind Solidarnosc, the fall of the Soviet Union, the color revolutions of Eastern Europe and North Africa, and the massacres of August 2011 in Norway and Libya; the infiltration of Occupy Wall Street by violent provocateurs is on the same pattern.

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www.radio4all.net/index.php/contributor/2149
http://utangente.free.fr/2003/media2003.pdf
"The maintenance of secrets acts like a psychic poison which alienates the possessor from the community" Carl Jung
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PostPosted: Thu Jul 19, 2012 9:46 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

German spy chief Heinz Fromm quits over neo-Nazi investigation scandal
http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/german-spy-chief-heinz- fromm-quits-over-neonazi-investigation-scandal-7904493.html
Government agents destroyed files on far-right terrorist cell behind murderous attacks on immigrants
Tony Paterson Berlin - Tuesday 03 July 2012
The head of German intelligence was forced to resign yesterday amid explosive revelations that his agents deliberately destroyed and manipulated files containing information about a neo-Nazi terror cell behind the country's worst far-right violence since the Second World War.
Heinz Fromm, 63, said he took responsibility for the actions of staff who shredded seven intelligence documents, left out key information from computer files and lied to their superiors at the height of an inquiry into neo-Nazi terrorists last November.
Mr Fromm, who resigned after 12 years at the helm of the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, said the actions of the agents involved were unprecedented. "Nothing like this has ever occurred before during my tenure," he said. "It is a major breach of trust and hugely damaging to the reputation of the service."
One of the most serious post-war German intelligence scandals began to unfold last week. Reports about the shredded documents were leaked to the media and provoked outrage from MPs who called for an immediate investigation.
Politicians said the shredded files left the agency open to "every possible suspicion", including the notion that neo-Nazis were on its payroll or that agents themselves had neo-Nazi sympathies. The agency has made no secret of its use of paid "moles" to infiltrate the neo-Nazi scene.
The destroyed documents contained background information on members of the National Socialist Underground (NSU).Over a decade, the neo-Nazi terrorist cell murdered a female police officer, shot dead nine immigrants, injured more than 20 people in two bomb attacks and robbed 14 banks to finance its operations.
Police discovered the bodies of the gang's two ringleaders, Uwe Mundlos and Uwe Böhnhardt, in a burnt-out caravan in eastern Germany in November last year. Investigators established that they had committed suicide after robbing a bank. A third member of the gang, a woman called Beate Zschäpe, was caught and arrested and is still being questioned.
The gang would shoot immigrant Turkish and Greek street vendors at point-blank range and without warning with a Czech-made Ceska pistol. A nail bomb detonated by the group in a crowded Turkish district of Cologne in 2004 injured 22 people.
For more than a decade, police ruled out the possibility of neo-Nazi involvement and attributed the killings instead to immigrant "gang warfare". German police even set up two of their own Turkish doner kebab stalls to catch the presumed immigrant gang leaders. It only dawned on police that a far-right terrorist cell was behind the attacks after they followed up leads from the bank robbery last year and found the Ceska murder weapon.
It emerged at the weekend that the agent who shredded the seven files was a high-ranking officer who worked for a department specialising in surveillance of the extreme right at intelligence headquarters in Cologne. He is said to have destroyed the documents on 11 November last year – the same day that federal prosecutors took over the investigation of the case.
The officer is reported to have lied to superiors and claimed that the documents had been destroyed 10 months earlier. The Cologne agents were also said to have deliberately left out important surveillance information from computer files and claimed this was for "operative reasons".
Meanwhile, further information published yesterday revealed that Italy's intelligence services had supplied their German counterparts with information about a neo-Nazi terrorist network eight years before police discovered the bodies of the NSU ringleaders last November. The Italians first tipped off German intelligence about a meeting of European neo-Nazis in the Belgian town of Waasmunster in 2003, where Italian neo-Nazis had referred to a terrorist network. Italian intelligence also reported that militant German neo-Nazis met frequently with their Italian counterparts, who often supplied them with money.
In 2008, an Italian neo-Nazi skinhead group from South Tyrol was reported to have held a meeting with militant German neo-Nazis, where attacks on foreigners were planned to "make an example".
Several politicians yesterday applauded Mr Fromm's resignation saying it was "necessary and right". However, Hartfrid Wolff, a liberal Free Democrat MP, echoed the view of many in saying: "His resignation comes just after the disclosures about the destroyed documents and it suggests that there is more to this affair than is so far known."
Mr Fromm is scheduled to give evidence before a parliamentary committee investigating the scandal on Thursday.

TonyGosling wrote:
The head of the German domestic intelligence service (BfV), Heinz Fromm, said on Nov. 27: “We have not really understood these [NSU] perpetrators… We could image them committing arson or even bomb attacks, but not committing cold-blooded executions. We should have known better”.

The question that remains unanswered is: What could explain the NSU cell’s “quantum leap” from “normal” right-wing extremist violence towards neo-nazi terrorism in an armed underground mode?

Two Characteristics of Neo-Nazi Terror Group

As the case of the NSU terror cell shows, there are two distinctive features in the phenomenology of neo-nazi terrorism. They might give a clue for answering this question:

The conspiratorial, apparently “professional” conduct of the NSU-terror cell. To remain undetected for 13 years in an “underground” mode of operation, is no small feat – even if we consider the systemic failures of the security agencies. When you go “underground”, you still need apartments, bank accounts, ID cards, vehicle registrations, credit cards (or their counterfeits). A series of arrests since Nov. 4, confirms that the NSU terror cell operated within an covert network of supporters. This clandestine network provided false identities, logistical support and possibly warnings against actions by intelligence and law enforcement agencies. These supporters of the NSU terror cell came from the neo-nazi milieu. In spite of the fact that this milieu is being monitored by the security agencies, including undercover agents, the neo-nazi support network for the NSU terror group remained intact for 13 years.
A new kind of “political communication” of the neo-nazi terrorists. The NSU terror cell did not publish any “claim of responsibility” in the way that islamist or leftist terrorists ideologically “justify” their actions. Instead of lengthy and convoluted ideological “communiques”, the neo-nazi terrorists used a cynical “cartoon” technique. In their video, the NSU terror cell represents itself as the cartoon character “Pink Panther”, who is featured together with photographs of the murdered victims and the crime scenes. This stunningly cynical “political communication” necessitates appropriate sociological and psychological analysis. However, the underlying principle of this type of “political communication” is explicitly featured in the video: “Pink Panther” holds up a poster on which is written: “Not words but deeds.”




German spy boss axed in 'Nazi' row
Tuesday July 03 2012
The head of a German state intelligence agency is being fired over the botched handling of investigations into a neo-Nazi group believed to have killed 10 people over several years.
Thuringia state Interior Minister Joerg Geibert said that Thomas Sippel no longer enjoys the trust of the state parliament and will be sent into early retirement.
The move comes a day after Heinz Fromm, the head of Germany's national domestic intelligence agency, the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, stepped down amid criticism of how his agency has investigated the far-right group.
The small group - which originated in Thuringia state - evaded authorities' detection for more than a decade until last year. Its alleged victims were mostly of Turkish origin.

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PostPosted: Sat Sep 01, 2012 11:00 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

I had the pleasure of interviewing the enormously eloquent brainbox that is former SW England Tory MEP Richard Cottrell about his new Gladio book the other day. First part is last 15 minutes of the hour.

Richard Cottrell on his new book 'Gladio, NATO's Dagger at the Heart of Europe, The Pentagon-Nazi-Mafia Terror Axis'. Journalism is dead as the mainstream press parrot the government line without criticism.
http://bcfm.org.uk/2012/08/31/17/friday-drivetime-86/21045

NATO Kills Its Own: Cottrell on Operation Gladio
http://radio4all.net/index.php/program/62564

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http://utangente.free.fr/2003/media2003.pdf
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TorsteinViddal
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PostPosted: Sun Sep 02, 2012 8:20 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Reading this book right now, bought it in June for Kindle.
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PostPosted: Sun Sep 09, 2012 9:45 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

From Richard's book:
GLADIO - NATO’S Dagger at the Heart of Europe: The Pentagon-Nazi-Mafia Terror Axis
In July 2011, a calm and studious risk-assessment analyst working for the South Yorkshire Police was summarily fired. He had filed a report with his superiors which openly contradicted the official narrative compiled by the British authorities to explain the 7/7 London Transport bombings. Tony Farrell’s allotted task was to assess the degree of risk posed by terrorism. Starting with a clean sheet, he worked to the electrifying conclusion that the London attacks were - in all probability - staged by the secret state. Furthermore, he dismissed the danger posed by Islamic extremists as virtually non-existent. Despite rigorous carpeting by his bosses, pleas, arm-twisting and threats, Farrell refused to budge. He was convinced the story of suicide bombers responsible for London’s day of infamy was a concoction of ‘monstrous lies.’ The sole purpose of the carnage on 7th July 2005 was to terrify the population to such an extent that the United Kingdom could be moved closer to a state of regimented tyranny.
As this book will explain, we have been here before. In the 1970s and ‘80s, the spectre of officially orchestrated terror stalked the European landscape. Gladio was the name of the Italian branch of the secret Guerrilla armies that NATO established to ‘stay behind’ in the event of a Russian invasion. Every NATO state, and some that were not, had such a secretive force. As the prospect of an attack from the East receded, so did fear of the Soviets. To preserve the myth of the Red Peril, these secret, or ‘sleeping,’ soldiers were released in a wave of synthetic violence against innocent European citizens. It lasted two decades, the years remembered by Italians as the anni di piombo - the years of lead.
The modern-day manufactured ‘war on terror’ comes from the same stable of synthetic violence. With the communist bogey exhausted, we are told of an insidious new peril in our midst: the fearful prospect of minarets and Sharia law marching across the European landscape, destroying Christian civilization. But for fear to work in a tangible form, as was discovered in the years of lead, we must have the visible impact of terror all around us. That is where we are now.
http://www.smashwords.com/extreader/read/154399/5/gladio-natos-dagger- at-the-heart-of-europe-the-pentagon-nazi-mafia-terror-axis

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www.thisweek.org.uk
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http://utangente.free.fr/2003/media2003.pdf
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PostPosted: Wed Apr 03, 2013 9:23 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Italian Cinema and the 'anni di piombo' more
by Alan O'Leary
http://www.academia.edu/313355/Italian_Cinema_and_the_anni_di_piombo

Journal of European Studies 40(3)
elaborate suspicions about the strategists of right-wing terrorism and to allude to the news imagery that depicted its effects because these lent themselves to translation into the developing conventions and top of the form (Pergolari, 2007: 160).
This is con-
firmed by the fact that the inaugural film of the cycle of cop films already contains a representation of right-wing vigilantism and of a subversive plan for an authoritarian takeover of the state.

La polizia ringrazia
(The Law Enforcers, dir. Stefano Vanzina, 1972) was immediately imitated because of its box-office success, and contains the features that would be embellished and recombined in the more than one hundred films of
the cycle (Curti, 2006: 7, 97). These include the irascible protagonist, a police captain restrained by a media and magistrature overly concerned with procedure and civil rights (he became meaner and more muscular in subsequent films); shady high-level figures to the political right (based in state institutions or multinational business) who have the protagonist eliminated because of his respect for the spirit if not the letter of the law; a female love interest who is either a non-entity or (as here) a tacit threat to the potency of the hero, in this case (as elsewhere) a journalist; explicit violence and other conventionalized action sequences, especially shootouts and car chases which invariably feature the
death of an innocent caught under the wheels or in the crossfire; didactic dialogue that explicates the stages of the plan for the takeover of the state and the ideology behind that plan; and so on, including the transitive verb in the title left ominously suspended sans object (the title literally means ‘the police thank’).
The ‘collateral’ death of the passer-by or kidnap victim, a staple in the cycle of films, stands for the sense of insecurity of the Italian urban dweller, and the violent policeman is a compensatory surrogate who assuages or avenges that insecurity (while ultimately
confirming it with his death). However, there is a sense in which the exaggerated violence projected onto the streets of Italy has a celebratory aspect. ‘Rome as Chicago’ is how the great historian of Italian cinema Gian Piero Brunetta (2007: 413–14) entitles a
short piece on these cop films. In the films themselves this comparison is intended to flatter.
http://www.academia.edu/313355/Italian_Cinema_and_the_anni_di_piombo


Italian cinema and the ‘anni di piombo’ Alan O’Leary University of Leeds Journal of European Studies 40(3) 243–257 © The Author(s) 2010 Reprints and permission: sagepub. co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0047244110371912 http://jes.sagepub.com Abstract This essay provides an introduction to the representation and working through in Italian cinema of the experience of terrorism during the ‘leaden years’ (anni di piombo, 1969–c. 1983). It begins by discussing the key terms ‘terrorism’ and ‘anni di piombo’ themselves before providing a short history of the different terrorisms in Italy during the long 1970s. The remainder of the essay is given over to a discussion of the key films, genres and modes that have dealt with the events or memories of that terrorism. Genres include the cop film, Italian-style comedy and auteurist films. Key titles include Cadaveri eccellenti (Illustrious Corpses, dir. Francesco Rosi, 1976), Colpire al cuore (A Blow to the Heart, dir. Gianni Amelio, 1982), La seconda volta (The Second Time, dir. Mimmo Calopresti, 1995), and Buongiorno, notte (Good Morning, Night, dir. Marco Bellocchio, 2003). Keywords anni di piombo, historical memory, Italian auteurist cinema, popular Italian cinema, strategy of tension, terrorism The words we use ‘Terrorism’ is as vexed a term as it is a fascinating subject. Some part of the fascination resides in its troublesome definition, and the question of who has the capacity to brand an act or an actor as ‘terrorist’. In fact, there is no satisfactory definition of ‘terrorism’ – none that is both precise and widely accepted. Even legal definitions tend to be characterized by a deliberate vagueness, and so reveal the extent to which they are formulated as an instrument of security or military policy for the defining agency, facilitating the demonization of the antagoniste du jour. My intention is not, however, to correct common misconceptions about the character of terrorism (I will now dispense with the quotation marks), and, although I describe the various forms of terrorism in Italy, nor is it to set the record straight about terrorist violence Corresponding author: Alan O’Leary, Department of Italian, School of Modern Languages and Cultures, University of Leeds, Leeds LS2 9JT UK Email: a.oleary@leeds.ac.uk 244 Journal of European Studies 40(3) there or anywhere else. I am not concerned here with the study of facts or events but with the formalized perceptions and memories of such events, as articulated in the medium of film. It would therefore be inappropriate to set out a definition of terrorism or terrorist in order to test the extent to which the characters or incidents portrayed in an individual film correspond to it. It is neither my nor the scholarly community’s normative understanding of terrorism that is at issue here, but a more diffuse or nebulous set of perceptions at work, and in flux, in the wider (Italian) culture from the 1970s to the present day. The experience of terrorism and political violence in the period known in Italy as the ‘leaden years’ or anni di piombo (1969–c. 1983) continues to exercise the national imagination and that of Italian film-makers to a remarkable degree. Indeed, Italian cinema has played a prominent role in articulating the ongoing impact of the anni di piombo and in defining the ways in which Italians remember and work through the events of the long 1970s. Each year sees the release of one or more films addressing the atrocities and traumas of those years; at the time of writing, the most recent title is La prima linea (The Front Line, dir. Renato de Maria), distributed in Italy in November 2009, and hotly debated in the Italian press. The effect of the cinema has been felt in surprising ways. Anni di piombi was the Italian title given to a German film, Margarethe Von Trotta’s Die bleierne Zeit (1981, released as The German Sisters in the UK and Marianne and Juliane in the USA), which was awarded the Golden Lion at the 1981 Venice film festival, and tells the story of two German sisters (based on Christiane and Gudrun Ensslin) who become politicized when confronted with the horror of images of the concentration camps and the carnage in Vietnam. In response, one opts for armed struggle and clandestinity. Following the film’s Venice festival success the phrase anni di piombo begins to appear in Italian newspapers, applied retrospectively to the period beginning with the bombing of a bank in Piazza Fontana, Milan, in December 1969 (Saulini, 1987: 76). According to Von Trotta (Di Caprio, 1984: 56), the film’s title (literally ‘the leaden time’) was intended to refer to the ‘leaden’ weight of history – a weight that impressed itself on the present also in the form of terrorism. Such an association is lost in the Italian translation (literally ‘the years of lead’).1 In the metaphorical allusion to bullets, the term is suggestive of left-wing violence alone, because it appears to exclude the bombings characteristic of right-wing terrorism (see below). Nonetheless, and as with the term terrorism, the common currency of the phrase anni di piombo means that we must continue to use it. Italian terrorisms According to official Ministry for the Interior figures, over 14,000 terrorist attacks were committed in Italy in the years between 1969 and 1983, resulting in 374 deaths and more than 1170 injuries. The anni di piombo are seen to have begun with the Piazza Fontana bombing in Milan (16 dead and 88 injured), one of a coordinated series of bomb attacks on 12 December 1969. Initially blamed on anarchists, Piazza Fontana was soon revealed to be an act committed by the far right and facilitated to a greater or lesser degree by the Italian secret services. The characteristic method of the far right was large-scale bombing, an approach dubbed ‘stragismo’ (literally ‘massacre-ism’). Stragismo was associated with the ‘strategy of tension’, a campaign to establish a ‘presidential’ or quasi-authoritarian O’Leary 245 type of political system in Italy by throwing the state into a law-and-order crisis that would make a takeover by the military or far right seem desirable to the Italian populace. Narrowly defined, the strategy of tension was implemented between 1969 and 1974 (when eight were killed and 103 injured in a bomb in Brescia); stragismo refers to the more autonomous use of indiscriminate massacre by neo-fascist groups which enjoyed the protection of the state intelligence services, and which continued well beyond 1974, reaching its horrific apogee with the Bologna station bombing of 2 August 1980.2 Initially at least as a reaction to stragismo and the strategy of tension, some left-wing militants from worker or student backgrounds chose to undertake what they referred to as an armed struggle, forming groups like the Brigate Rosse (Red Brigades, BR) and the later Prima Linea (Front Line). ‘Armed struggle’ translated into the kidnapping, kneecapping, and eventually assassination of policemen, journalists, judges, politicians and businessmen. The most notorious action of left-wing terrorism was the kidnap of politician Aldo Moro by the BR in 1978. His five bodyguards were murdered and he himself was killed after 54 days of captivity. Though left-wing terrorism persisted for several years after 1978, the Moro killing alienated the armed groups of the left from a significant area of support that had previously sustained it. The reorganization of anti-terrorist forces and the criminalization and repression of the extra-parliamentary left following the Moro murder marked this event as the beginning of the end for Italian terrorism. Emergency anti-terrorist laws led to mass arrests in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Such laws increased convictions and sentences for common crimes committed by those the law defined as terrorists, while offering substantial reductions of the punishments to terrorists willing to collaborate with justice and turn state’s witness (the phenomenon known as pentitismo, ‘penitentism’). It is important to be aware, however, that even as the vast majority of left-wing terrorists and almost all their actions have been explained and punished, many right-wing terrorist attacks remain incompletely accounted for (Cento Bull, 2007). Likewise, the Italian state has never revealed the extent of its covert support for right-wing terrorism. For these reasons Italian historian Silvio Lanaro (1992: 433) has written of Italy’s defeat of terrorism as ‘half a victory’ (‘vittoria a metà’). By the mid-1990s, most of the 5000 people tried for terrorist offences began to reenter society; fewer than a hundred remain in prison and many of those are allowed to work outside jail. The (re-)emergence of a group calling themselves the (new) Brigate Rosse in the late 1990s therefore seemed an anachronism, but its actions were real enough: the new BR murdered two advisors on government labour policies, Massimo D’Antona in 1999 and Marco Biagi in 2002. Subsequent arrests may or may not have dealt this organization a fatal blow. Italian terrorisms/Italian cinema3 For much of the 1970s it was not the culturally valued, politically committed or auteurist cinema that addressed the problem or phenomenon of terrorism but the genres of the cop film (the poliziesco) and the so-called Italian-style comedy (commedia all’italiana). The cop films tended to focus on the ideologies and activities of the far right and on the state’s covert support for neo-fascist aspiration.4 The poliziesco was well equipped to 246 Journal of European Studies 40(3) elaborate suspicions about the strategists of right-wing terrorism and to allude to the news imagery that depicted its effects because these lent themselves to translation into the developing conventions and topoi of the form (Pergolari, 2007: 160). This is confirmed by the fact that the inaugural film of the cycle of cop films already contains a representation of right-wing vigilantism and of a subversive plan for an authoritarian takeover of the state. La polizia ringrazia (The Law Enforcers, dir. Stefano Vanzina, 1972) was immediately imitated because of its box-office success, and contains the features that would be embellished and recombined in the more than one hundred films of the cycle (Curti, 2006: 7, 97). These include the irascible protagonist, a police captain restrained by a media and magistrature overly concerned with procedure and civil rights (he became meaner and more muscular in subsequent films); shady high-level figures to the political right (based in state institutions or multinational business) who have the protagonist eliminated because of his respect for the spirit if not the letter of the law; a female love interest who is either a non-entity or (as here) a tacit threat to the potency of the hero, in this case (as elsewhere) a journalist; explicit violence and other conventionalized action sequences, especially shootouts and car chases which invariably feature the death of an innocent caught under the wheels or in the crossfire; didactic dialogue that explicates the stages of the plan for the takeover of the state and the ideology behind that plan; and so on, including the transitive verb in the title left ominously suspended sans object (the title literally means ‘the police thank’). The ‘collateral’ death of the passer-by or kidnap victim, a staple in the cycle of films, stands for the sense of insecurity of the Italian urban dweller, and the violent policeman is a compensatory surrogate who assuages or avenges that insecurity (while ultimately confirming it with his death). However, there is a sense in which the exaggerated violence projected onto the streets of Italy has a celebratory aspect. ‘Rome as Chicago’ is how the great historian of Italian cinema Gian Piero Brunetta (2007: 413–14) entitles a short piece on these cop films. In the films themselves this comparison is intended to flatter. The metropolis envy which identifies the Italian urbs with the very exemplum of modernity, the American city, presents the degradation, criminality and political terrorism of contemporary Italy as essential to its vitality. This operates as part of the films’ compensatory or consolatory function: the sense of insecurity, the danger of mugging, murder massacres or coups d’état, is arguably a source of pride, not regret. Something similar might be said about an auteurist version of these cop films. Wood (2005: 111) has called Italian auteur cinema ‘not so much a distinct entity in itself, as the intellectual and/or better-funded end of national genre production’, and Francesco Rosi’s Cadaveri eccellenti (1976) seems to confirm this. The film is a fable about the strategy of tension and its plot concerns the discovery of a conspiracy – a planned military coup – by a detective investigating a series of murders. However, Rosi shows Italian democracy to have already been compromised by corruption, by state collusion with the mafia, and by the oppressive presence of surveillance (the latter is expressed in passages of great formal brilliance including a highly unusual sound design). Cadaveri eccellenti portrays Italian society as a kind of panoptical prison from which escape is impossible and in which political opposition is a convenient pretext for repression. The use of conspiracy theory in this and other Italian films in the 1970s and since gives expression to disquiet or dissatisfaction about the manner in which Italy has been O’Leary 247 governed (Wood, 2003), but it may also risk ascribing an exaggerated competence and potency to the conspirators, in this case the representatives of the Italian ruling order. If the conspirators’ will is shown to be irresistible, then resistance to it is pointless, and political activism or reformist aspiration is thereby allegorized as vain. Indeed, for a film like Cadaveri eccellenti, intended to denounce the masterminds of the strategy of tension, the use of the conspiracy mode might have the paradoxical effect of confirming the far right’s conception of society as ruled by violence, and of validating the view that effective administration of power is the only genuine concern. Questions of ethics are certainly present in Cadaveri eccellenti, but these risk seeming ‘unrealistic’, in the sense that they are irrelevant to the ‘real’ questions of political survival and national strength: ‘real’ concerns that can be used to justify any atrocity up to and including the massacre of Italian citizens. The other genre that responded promptly to the presence of political violence in the 1970s was the commedia all’italiana, in Mordi e fuggi (Dirty Weekend, dir. Dino Risi, 1973), a trio of films directed by Mario Monicelli (Vogliamo i colonelli (We Want the Colonels, 1973); Caro Michele (Dear Michael, 1976); Un borghese piccolo piccolo (An Average Man, 1977)), I nuovi mostri (Viva Italia, dir. Mario Monicelli, Dino Risi, Ettore Scola, 1977) and Caro papà (Dear Papa, Dino Risi, 1979). The commedia all’italiana was first recognized as a distinct phenomenon in Italian cinema in the late 1950s, initially and aptly labelled as commedia di costume (comedy of manners) (Camerini, 1986). The concerns of a comedy of manners are with ‘the behaviour and deportment of men and women living under specific social codes’ (Cuddon, 1991: 170), and the commedia all’italiana relied on the construction of a ‘typical’ but often grotesque Italian, usually male, identified with a set of iconic faces: hugely popular actors such as Alberto Sordi, Ugo Tognazzi and Vittorio Gassman. The identification with the actor was an effective means of involving the audience in the critique of its own behaviour, and of allowing the viewer no exit from his or her own complicity with the violence (of workplace, home or street) of the period. Thus Mordi e fuggi can use the flip tone of the cynical 1960s comedy to introduce the more tragic outcomes of the following decade. It takes a stock comic figure, a philandering fop in a sports car played by Marcello Mastroianni, and has him kidnapped by a group of anarchists fleeing from a bank raid; kidnappers and hostage alike will die before the guns of a trigger-happy police. The fact that terrorist violence was featured in these films was in itself a significant, even polemical, move: it asserted that such violence was not alien but inherent to Italian society, and characteristic of its ‘manners’. Proximity to the escalating seriousness of events between 1979 and 1982, the years immediately following the Moro kidnap, seems to encourage psychoanalytical interpretation in the films made in the period, all of which represent the anni di piombo in terms of Oedipal conflict. Caro papà, La tragedia di un uomo ridicolo (The Tragedy of a Ridiculous Man, dir. Bernardo Bertolucci, 1981) and Colpire al cuore (A Blow to the Heart, dir. Gianni Amelio, 1982) all fit this model. The Oedipal characterization of conflict may well be a useful insight into the origins of Italian terrorism. It might be a way of encoding the perception that there existed a generational block and that an immovable gerontocracy held a monopoly of power.5 On the other hand, it may simply be a sign of what Sorlin calls the ‘fashion’ for Freud in Italian cinema (1996: 136). More suggestively, another critic locates the use of Oedipal myth in Italian cinema in the context of the upheavals of the late 1960s: 248 Journal of European Studies 40(3) In the films made during and after May 1968, unity turned to disunity among regions and classes, and continuity to discontinuity with one generation questioning the legacy of the previous one. Because, in the wake of Vico’s historicism and under the influence of Catholic thought, they assume that the past is the father and that the Italian body politic is male, filmmakers translate this interrogation of the past into the plot of the Oedipal myth. (Dalle Vacche, 1992: 15) Still, we should remember that the dyad of son/father (or of son/father-figure) is a longstanding feature of Italian cinema, and is often found in those films which construct themselves as an intervention into the life of the nation: one might think of Alessandro Blasetti’s Vecchia guardia (Old Guard, 1934), or Vittorio De Sica’s Ladri di biciclette (Bicycle Thieves, 1948). Considered as part of this tradition, it is clear that the use of the Oedipal mode, whether understood in mythical or Freudian terms, was a means of figuring conflict rather than concord at the centre of the nation, and an index of a society decidedly out of joint. Colpire al cuore finds a particularly potent means of figuring this discord by having a son suspect his father of terrorist activity rather than the more typical reverse. In this version of the Oedipal conflict the son ‘defeats’ his father by denouncing him to the police but the film keeps an equal distance from both protagonists, privileging neither character and allowing both to seem unsympathetic. It closes with the capture of the older man as the camera absents itself in an extended reverse tracking shot. Tre fratelli (Three Brothers, dir. Francesco Rosi, 1981) avoids the Oedipal mode but also projects the problem of terrorism onto a familial context, with the family here evidently standing in for the nation itself. The trope of the family as nation has particular force in Italy where, as Ginsborg (2001: xiii) writes: family is very important, both as metaphor and as reality. In terms of metaphor, it is omnipresent … it is striking how often the family is taken as the metaphor for other social or political aggregations, rather than the other way round. In other words, it is not the state or any organization in society which provides examples for the family, but the family which provides metaphors and roles models for society and the state. The theme of Tre fratelli might be summed up as the state of contemporary Italy, and its purview emerges clearly from the starkness of its allegory. Three brothers return from the emblematic cities of Turin, Rome and Naples to a remote village in Puglia to attend their mother’s funeral. Each brother represents a different ‘issue’ and generation (one brother is in his thirties, the next in his forties and the oldest in his fifties). Their professions – factory worker, social worker, judge – were, according to the director, intended to symbolize ‘the country’s three major problems’: industrial confrontation, social deprivation and terrorism (Ciment, 1981: 46). The film features a bloody terrorist attack: the assassination on a Roman bus of the eldest brother, Judge Raffaele Giuranna. However, the assassination is in fact dreamt by the character himself, a nightmare which expresses his fears about working on terrorist prosecutions. The implication is that the terror of violence is suffered by the ‘social mind’ to a degree well beyond its effects on individual bodies; and, furthermore, it is experienced according to photographic representation and received modes of genre O’Leary 249 understanding: that is to say, the dream assassination is staged in the thriller mode of the poliziesco. In other words, the judge is imagining his own death in the terms provided by genre cinema. His grimacing assassins are anonymous eruptions, literally from Raffaele’s unconscious, and also from the collective unconscious or shared image-bank provided by news reports and fictional images in the Italy of the period. Tre fratelli is best described in Bakhtinian rather than Freudian terms and is constructed as a dialogical forum, not as a narrative according to the Aristotelian pattern. In its juxtaposition of conflicting discourses which do not achieve integration, it anticipates later films such as La seconda volta (The second time, dir. Mimmo Calopresti, 1995); and it links such films in turn to neorealist cinema (it contains specific allusions to Roberto Rossellini’s Paisà, 1946). At the same time, it also anticipates later films that deal with terrorism such as La meglio gioventù (The Best of Youth, dir. Marco Tullio Giordana, 2003), Piazza delle Cinque Lune (Five Moons Square, dir. Renzo Martinelli, 2003) and Romanzo criminale (Crime Story, dir. Michele Placido, 2005), which employ similarly ravishing images of Italy that ‘owe as much to the iconography of advertising, tourism and the heritage industry, as to the inheritance of neorealism’ (Wood, 2005: 198). A group of films dating from the mid-1980s attempts to portray the moral atmosphere surrounding pentitismo, when jailed terrorists confessed their crimes and informed on their comrades in return for reduced prison sentences. In Segreti segreti (Secrets Secrets, dir. Giuseppe Bertolucci, 1984), the terrorist is figured as an affluent tomboy child playing at revolution. She ruthlessly murders a judge and a member of her own group in the opening scene; later she is shown wearing bright wellington boots while sitting in a boyish pose in the garden of the country mansion in which she was raised, first cleaning her gun and then sorting through her childhood toys. When she is caught she submits immediately, in the film’s final scene, to interrogation by a policewoman and gives up all she knows about her ‘bravi compagni’ (worthy comrades). Her act of informing recalls the phenomenon of pentitismo that had rewarded apprehended terrorists for their acts of betrayal. What is also striking is that the terrorist is female; indeed in a film dominated by female characters (played by familiar actors from several generations, including Alida Valli, Mariangela Melato and Lina Sastri, who plays the terrorist), male characters are marginal and/or absurd. As Ruth Glynn has argued in relation to Segreti segreti, the figure of the violent woman is likely to feature in cinema at moments of ideological or cultural crisis. Her emergence in representation in Italy in this period is not any sort of ‘reflection’ of women’s increased participation in violence in society but is a symptomatic reaction to the ongoing collective trauma of terrorism, and one of the methods, pentitismo, being used to deal with it (Glynn, forthcoming). This explains the too-neat ending of Segreti segreti: the female terrorist’s precipitate capitulation to (polite) police questioning is an index of the cultural fantasy, articulated by the film, of pentitismo as a panacea for terrorism. Marco Bellocchio’s Diavolo in corpo (1986) has been described as the first film ‘on the Italy of post-terrorism’ (Morando Morandini in Natalini, 2005: 185). It shares with the first film to deal at length with the Moro kidnap, Il caso Moro (The Moro Case, dir. Giuseppe Ferrara, 1986), both a date of release and a then unusual focus on the victims of terrorism. For Glynn, Bellocchio’s film also ‘feminizes’ terrorism – even if in this case the female lead, Giulia, is a victim rather than a perpetrator of political violence. The 250 Journal of European Studies 40(3) problem, for Italian society, is that victims as well as terrorists had to be silenced in order for that society to repress the trauma of terrorism, but the victim is ultimately more threatening because she may not legitimately be silenced. In this way, the character of Giulia in Diavolo in corpo becomes another symptom of the unfinished business of the anni di piombo: the daughter of a murdered carabiniere colonel shown to be ‘hysterical’ with grief, she has her victimhood acknowledged in a brief, ambiguous scene, but that victimhood is extravagantly disavowed by an uninhibited eroticism and her implausible betrothal to a repentant terrorist. Symbolically, her fiancé, the former terrorist, is meant to displace the assassinated father: the detour through the armed struggle has merely postponed the terrorist’s assumption of the role of patriarch, just as socialization is achieved, Freud tells us, through the surmounting of the Oedipus complex. Giulia, however, embarks on a passionate affair with a high school student – which is celebrated by the film – and in so doing implicitly rejects father and husband, society and family, and even the ideological as such in favour of the carnal. In terms of the film’s cryptic encoding of national anxieties, the situation of the lovers suggests a desire that the anni di piombo should not end. The central irony of the film is that, for the affair to continue as it has begun, normality must not be restored, Giulia must not marry her pentito (and so aid his release), and the terrorist ‘leaden years’ must not end. Indeed, both Segreti segreti and Diavolo in corpo clearly demonstrate that, pace Morandini, the anni di piombo had not yet ended by the mid-1980s. Terrorism continues to operate as a divisive force in Italian national life. The widespread debate in the 1990s on the justice of granting a form of pardon (indulto) to former terrorists in prison would suggest that the conditions were then finally in place for an end to terrorism and the emergency laws drafted in response to it. These conditions included the end of the Cold War, which led to a reduction of external interest in Italy on the part of the old international protagonists of the West and East, and which contributed to the collapse of a fossilized Italian political system in the early years of the decade. However, Cento Bull (2007) has recently argued that the anni di piombo have not been allowed to end because their divisive memory can be exploited in a contemporary political culture in Italy that is once again polarized into right and left. This is despite a coincidence of attempts in the political and cultural arenas during the 1990s to conduct some sort of reconciliation process. Indeed, some prominent figures argued, though in vain, for the institution of a truth and reconciliation commission on the South African model (Fasanella et al., 2008). The group of films I now discuss were themselves part of this effort to consign this past to history, even if they intimate in one way or another the prematurity of the attempt. The first of these is Donne armate (Women in Arms), a poliziesco made for television by the veteran director Sergio Corbucci and shown on Italian state television’s second channel in 1991. In the film Nadia, an unrepentant left-wing terrorist played by the same Lina Sastri encountered in Segreti segreti, enlists the help of the young policewoman, Angela, from whom she has escaped, and the two attempt to uncover a criminal plot involving both former terrorists and the police. The plot is duly undone and, though wounded while selflessly coming to Angela’s aid, Nadia is safely returned to prison. In several respects, Donne armate is a crude action picture which explicitly signals its generic character. It suffers from weak causality in the plot and undermotivated behaviour O’Leary 251 by the protagonists. As a result it is extremely ‘unrealistic’ and likely to exasperate those looking for information about the persistence of the terrorist organizations after the anni di piombo, or some insight into state complicity with terrorist organizations. Nonetheless, the film performs some important symbolic work on behalf of its audience. For our purposes it is enough to consider the casting of Lina Sastri as Nadia, evoking as it does Sastri’s character in Segreti segreti, the murderous terrorist ensnared by police at the film’s close. In the later film, Sastri’s Nadia is recuperated as fundamentally good over the course of the film. Though returned to prison she is granted a form of symbolic readmission to society and nation. Thus the genre thriller Donne armate anticipates the ‘serious’ committed cinema produced later in its recuperation of the errant terrorist into something like the national family. The theme of La seconda volta, the most important of these later films, is the encounter of victim with terrorist, and the failed attempt to put a seal on the past. La seconda volta narrates the ‘second’ and subsequent meetings of a college professor with his wouldbe killer, encountered coincidentally when she is on day-release from prison to attend work placement. The film is very loosely based on the true story of a prison architect, Sergio Lenci, who survived an assassination attempt by the group Prima Linea but lived out his life with the assassin’s bullet lodged in his brain (Lenci, 1988). This bullet assumes in the film a symbolic valence, standing for the real and continued presence of the experience of terrorism even a decade and more after the putative close of the anni di piombo. A significant difference between Lenci’s story and that presented in La seconda volta is the gender of the assassin in the film. The pervasive belief that violence performed by a woman is less ‘natural’ than violence performed by a man lends a particular tenor to the encounter in the film of the former terrorist and her victim. La seconda volta slyly encourages the spectator to expect a resolution (not provided) of the victim/assassin dialectic in terms of the physical synthesis of coitus. This is part of a narrative strategy in the film of raising generic expectations that are ultimately frustrated, itself part of a wider promise and then refusal of pleasure in the film as a whole. The film contains none of the implicitly promised sex; it has an ambiguous, even perplexing ending; it manifests an ambivalent attitude to the two protagonists registered also in formal terms (for example, a sparing use of close-up). And it features an early anagnorisis that happens just over halfway through the film, after which it changes key abruptly and, from the point of view of the pleasure of a spectator left with a sense of anti-climax, most unsatisfactorily. In the Aristotelian terms that remain pervasive in cinema narrative, La seconda volta is ‘bad’ or at least unsatisfying cinema. This is not clumsiness, but a deliberate formal and political strategy: the filmmakers intentionally frustrate or subvert the standards by which a narrative is conventionally judged good or bad (Bruni, 1995: 49). Indeed, the narrative irresolution of the film suggests that no shared or national super-narrative can (yet?) be achieved beyond the individual versions of victim and assassin (Lombardi, 2000: 201, 210). The terrorist is again female in La meglio gioventù and Buongiorno, notte, both films that refer in their different ways to the metaphor of the family. La meglio gioventù is a six-hour mini-series made for and (eventually) shown on Italian television, but also successfully given an international cinema release. Among other things the film is a ‘working through’ of the trauma of terrorism on behalf of the leftist constituency to which it is directed. It is a family saga constructed around two brothers and spans nearly four 252 Journal of European Studies 40(3) decades. Not a film about terrorism specifically, it nonetheless portrays the descent into terrorist clandestinity of a mother, Giulia, the partner of the ‘good’ brother. Giulia’s abandonment of the family for the BR, followed by her halting reintegration at the end of the film, returns the depiction of the terrorist in Italian cinema to the modes of emplotment adopted by Colpire al cuore and Segreti segreti: the portrayal of Italian terrorism as a dysfunctional family affair. Likewise the use of the ‘two brothers’ story as a vehicle for confronting issues of violence in Italian society recalls Tre fratelli, and is reprised in Mio fratello è figlio unico (My Brother is an Only Child, dir. Daniele Luchetti, 2007), which shares its scriptwriters with La meglio gioventù.6 La meglio gioventù plunges Giulia into an arguably clichéd representation of clandestine life (Cecchini, 2005: 304), during which the viewer is allowed access to her subjectivity solely in order to witness her longing for her abandoned daughter. Justly, Tardi locates La meglio gioventù as part of an iconographic tradition in which: The women who choose to engage in armed struggle are characterized, first of all, by the devastating effects that the refusal to be mothers has on them. In a later moment, the woman terrorist’s realization of the ‘mistake’ she has made leads her ... to try and reacquire those norms she had previously repudiated and, by doing so, to have the chance to start again. (Tardi, 2005: 165–6) Chiara, the protagonist of Buongiorno, notte, also fits this model. She is a member of the group that kidnaps and incarcerates Aldo Moro for 54 days before killing him: the incarceration is ironically portrayed in the film as a tense family home with Moro as the resented patriarch at its centre. Chiara is shown almost absurdly in relation to her refusal of maternity when an unsuspecting neighbour leaves her infant in Chiara’s care in the BR hideout. Moments later her comrades arrive with the captive Moro and the child lies forgotten on a sofa in the foreground of the shot. Buongiorno, notte is one of several on the Moro kidnapping – no other real event in Italy has inspired so many feature films, and many that do not deal with it directly still refer to it briefly, implicitly or even allegorically (O’Leary, 2008). As mentioned above, the first film to deal directly and at length with the kidnapping was released in 1986. Il caso Moro is a docudrama that narrates the kidnapping chronologically, as will Buongiorno, notte. Though it is an investigative film that intends to reveal the truth (as its makers saw it) of Moro’s kidnap and murder – to this end it contains speculations about conspiracy and the negative influence of the American government – Il caso Moro is fundamentally a ‘human’ tragedy, with a virtuoso central performance by the cult leftwing actor Gian-Maria Volonté as the eponymous victim. Again, this aspect of the film anticipates Buongiorno, notte, which features a moving performance by the brilliant Roberto Herlitzka as Moro. However, in the later film memory pitches into daydream as the Moro we know to have died walks free from the BR ‘people’s prison’ (the scene has become notorious) in ironic fulfilment of a national fantasy. Buongiorno, notte was made 25 years after Moro’s murder; the representation of terrorism had become by then a matter of commemoration and anniversaries. Another Moro film, Piazza delle Cinque Lune was also released on the anniversary and takes an explicitly retrospective gaze on the Moro events. In some obtrusive stunt casting, Donald Sutherland plays a judge at the end of his career who decides to find the ‘truth’ behind O’Leary 253 Moro’s death a quarter of a century earlier. The film is set, rather incongruously, in Siena (Moro died in Rome); it is a tainted heritage film, by analogy with British heritage films such as Elizabeth (dir. Shekhar Kapur, 1998) which celebrate national heroes and mythologized periods of the English past while introducing gory elements from other genres (Luckett, 2000). Piazza delle Cinque Lune paints a conspiracy theory of the Moro kidnapping against the picturesque backdrop of the famous horse race which takes place each year in the city (the Palio), exquisite Sienese interiors and great swathes of lush Tuscan landscape. The implication seems to be that Italy’s reputation for corruption and treachery, symbolized by the Moro kidnapping as the quintessential Italian mystery, is now as much of an object of tourist desire, and therefore an exportable commodity, as its beautiful scenery and cultural treasures. Such an assertion is confirmed by the domestic success and international release achieved by Romanzo criminale two years later. This film lifts the two quintessentially traumatic events of the anni di piombo, the Moro kidnap and the Bologna bombing, out of their historical context and embeds them in a violent gangster tale, apparently to express continued anxieties about the unaccountability of state and power in Italy. In the use of a conspiracy format to delineate right-wing and state culpability, the film is a revival of the treatment of terrorism in Cadaveri eccellenti and in the cop films of the 1970s (Uva, 2007: 90; Wood, forthcoming). And like the conspiracy film Piazza delle Cinque Lune, Romanzo criminale is a kind of heritage or tourist film: the ‘real’ historical events are embedded in a context of Italian art, fashion, design and glamorous characters that adduces these events as aspects of a haptically delectable and exportable past. The fact that the traumatic events of the past have become commodified in the present does not, however, mean that Italian society has finally come to terms with the legacies of the anni di piombo. Romanzo criminale, Arriverderci amore, ciao (The Goodbye Kiss, dir. Michele Soavi, 2006) and Attacco allo stato (Attack on the State, also dir. Michele Soavi, 2006) each represents different constituencies of feeling about terrorism and expresses a cultural division that we may, if we wish, speak of as a kind of ongoing symbolic civil war. Romanzo criminale speaks for those frustrated at the continuing dissimulation of the extent of state involvement in the atrocities of the anni di piombo. It marginalizes the terrorists in the (hi)story of terrorism just as Piazza delle Cinque Lune does, and for the same reasons: in order to focus on the culpability of the state. Arrivederci amore, ciao and Attacco allo stato both re-exclude the terrorist from the national family after her partial reintegration in La meglio gioventù. Arrivederci amore, ciao portrays the return at the beginning of the 1990s of a former militant to affluent northern Italy from self-imposed exile in Latin America. The film proffers a corrective to the ennobling portrayal of former terrorists in films like La mia generazione (My Generation, dir. Wilma Labate, 1996) and I riconciliati (The Reconciled, dir. Rosalia Polizza, 2001). The protagonist’s name, Pellegrini, connotes an ironic pilgrim’s progress (‘pellegrino’ is Italian for pilgrim) as he struggles to escape from his militant past and to embrace a bourgeois normality, becoming monstrous and a multiple murderer in the process. The film gives voice to a majoritarian common sense exasperated that many of the protagonists of the anni di piombo are now firmly in place as part of the establishment (even in parliament), notwithstanding past crimes. 254 Journal of European Studies 40(3) The television mini-series Attacco allo stato is a police procedural based on the reallife investigations that led to the capture of the killers of the labour-law reformers Massimo D’Antona and Marco Biagi. In contrast with the representation of the investigative team, who are shown only in the context of their work, the family lives of the BR victims, including a policeman introduced briefly before being killed in a shoot-out, are foregrounded and idealized. The saccharine portrayal of the men’s familial lives recalls the treatment of the family in La meglio gioventù and suggests that, as in the earlier miniseries, the family is intended here as both symbol and model for the state. The title of the film, which refers to an attack on the state (an allusion to a BR slogan), is contradicted by the content, which shows attacks on family men whose functionary status is carefully downplayed. In a complex ideological operation, the film represents the BR as unnatural and un-Italian in their disdain for the family, while the investigators are portrayed as an incorruptible warrior caste, working indefatigably to protect the family/families of the nation. The film is the audio-visual equivalent of the illustrated official calendar produced annually by the carabinieri, and it works through (even while it reinforces) anxieties about the persistence of terrorism. As such it too looks back to the cop films of the 1970s, and it can be usefully contextualized in relation to the anti-terrorist rhetoric of the Berlusconi government, which was concerned to be seen to respond to the contemporary global security agenda. Terrorism and tradition To what extent can we talk about a tradition of films dealing with the terrorism of the anni di piombo? That is, to what extent are individual films made in the awareness of the preceding films on the topic? Certainly, the corpus of films has its key texts. Colpire al cuore, for example, has informed several subsequent films: Vite in sospeso (Belleville, dir. Marco Turco, 1998) contains specific allusions to the earlier film, and La seconda volta re-employs its detached presentation of the protagonists as well as the austere approach to film score by the same composer, Franco Piersanti. More striking, however, is the persistence of several modes or registers which recur time and again in the films of the corpus. Prominent among these, as will be clear from the account above, is the use of the family either to trace the impress of terrorism on the texture of Italian society, or to stand for the nation itself. The representation of conflict in the family translates into particular historical interpretations when re-projected on a national scale: the father versus son story presents terrorism as a generational conflict; the brother against brother story presents terrorism as a kind of civil war. The remarkable number of female terrorists in these films, proportionally much greater than women’s actual participation in the armed struggle, suggests a reading of terrorism as a crisis of patriarchy. It may hint that terrorism itself is being employed in these films as a ‘screen memory’ in the Freudian sense: that is, the focus on terrorism recalls but masks the deeper traumatic events and processes of the anni di piombo. The long 1970s were after all the era of feminism and the contestation of traditional gender roles; this was the period in which divorce was introduced in Italy and abortion legalized. Perhaps it is not so surprising that challenges to masculinity and patriarchal power are encrypted as women’s refusal of motherhood in favour of ‘unnatural’ violence. Finally, it is notable how O’Leary 255 often the conspiracy mode and thriller motifs are employed in the corpus of films in order to express anxieties about the state, or in order to work through the presence of violence in Italian society by rendering it as spectacular entertainment. The recurrence of the poliziesco formula is often justified by film-makers as a way of reaching a wider audience. However, the immersion in the conventions of the cop film is often such that it is not simply the vehicle of an interpretation of history but the very means of that interpretation. Arguably, the poliziesco formula has been revealed to be an epistemological mode, in that its formal elements, performance styles and habits of emplotment form an instrument for processing inchoate events and circumstances. The question of whether that instrument merely configures its histories in circumscribed, clichéd ways is one, I think, that cannot be answered in the abstract but only in relation to individual films. In asking if the corpus of films considered in this article form a tradition, I was referring to a national, Italian tradition. But cinema is an international medium and no film is made in ignorance of examples from elsewhere. La prima linea, the most recent film to be dedicated to the terrorism of anni di piombo, certainly could not take the form it does without the example of the German Baader Meinhof Komplex (dir. Uli Edel, 2008). La prima linea also tells the story of the historical terrorist group named in the title, and uses some of the most charismatic and attractive faces in its national industry (Riccardo Scamarcio, Giovanna Mezzogiorno) in order to tell it. At the same time, the scholar Christian Uva has recounted that Renato de Maria, director of La prima linea, consulted him for advice when preparing his film, and Uva provided him with copies of all of the films discussed above and more.7 La prima linea seems then to suggest that the representation of terrorism in Italian cinema has come of age, and may even be in the process of becoming a genre itself. I began this article by declaring the fascination of terrorism; the films of the new century, Romanzo criminale, Attacco allo stato and La prima linea among them, exhibit and confirm this fascination. Moreover, they confirm, as no doubt will certain Italian films released next year and the year after that, the role of terrorism as an essential and enthralling feature of the chiaroscuro national epic. Notes 1 The title of Von Trotta’s film is derived from a poem, ‘Der Gang aufs Land’ (vv. 5–6), by Friedrich Hölderlin: ‘Trüb ists heut, es schlummen die Gäng und die Gassen und fast will / Mir es scheinen, es sei, als in der bleiernen Zeit’ (Today the weather is torpid, the streets and paths are sleeping / and it almost seems to me to be like in the leaden age). For a concise account of the strategy of tension and the part played in it by elements within the state and by international influences, see Bull and Newell (2005: 101–4). The topic is treated at greater length in Ferraresi (1996) and in Cento Bull (2007). The reader should note that alternative explanations of the Bologna bombing have been suggested and have been taken increasingly seriously by judicial investigators and academics alike (Cento Bull, 2007: 21–2, 26–7). The scholarship on the representation of terrorism in Italian cinema is now substantial. For introductory accounts that complement the present article, see O’Leary (2005), the introduction to Uva (2007), and Lombardi (2009).

For more in-depth analysis, see O’Leary (2007), and the case studies by various authors in Uva (2007) and in the forthcoming volume edited by Glynn, Lombardi and O’Leary. 2 3 256 4 Journal of European Studies 40(3) The most relevant films include La polizia ringrazia, La polizia sta a guardare (The Great Kidnapping, dir. Roberto Infascelli, 1973), La polizia accusa: il servizio segreto uccide (Chopper Squad, dir. Sergio Martino, 1975), and Poliziotti violenti (Crimebusters, dir. Michele Massimo Tarantini, 1976). The existence of a generational block was given as a motivation for taking up the armed struggle by founding member of the BR, Renato Curcio (Curcio and Scialoja, 1993: 212). Stefano Rulli and Sandro Petraglia. Conversation with the author. 5 6 7 References Brunetta GP (2007) Il cinema italiano contemporaneo: da ‘La dolce vita’ a ‘Centochiodi’. Rome: Laterza. Bruni F (1995) La seconda volta: Incontro-dibattito con uno degli autori, Script 10: 43–50. 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Dalle Vacche A (1992) The Body in the Mirror: Shapes of History in Italian Cinema. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Di Caprio L (1984) Baader-Meinhof fictionalized. Jump Cut 29: 56–9. Fasanella G, Pellegrino G, Sestieri C (2008) Segreto di Stato: verità e riconciliazione sugli anni di piombo. Milan: Sperling e Kupfer. Ferraresi F (1996) Threats to Democracy: The Radical Right in Italy after the War. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Ginsborg P (2001) Italy and its Discontents: Family, Civil Society, State 1980–2001. London: Allen Lane. Glynn R (forthcoming) Terrorism, a female malady? In: R Glynn, G Lombardi and A O’Leary (eds) Terrorism Italian Style: The Representation of Terrorism and Political Violence in Contemporary Italian Cinema. London: IGRS Books. Glynn R, Lombardi G., O’Leary A (eds) (forthcoming) Terrorism Italian Style: The Representation of Terrorism and Political Violence in Contemporary Italian Cinema. London: IGRS Books. Lanaro S (1992) Storia dell’Italia repubblicana: dalla fine della guerra agli anni novanta. Venice: Marsilio. Lenci S (1988) Colpo alla nuca. Rome: Editori Riuniti. O’Leary 257 Lombardi G (2000) Unforgiven: revisiting political terrorism in La seconda volta, Italica 77(2): 199–213. Lombardi G (2009) Screening terror: political terrorism in Italian cinema. In: P Antonello and A O’Leary (eds) Imagining Terrorism: The Rhetoric and Representation of Political Violence in Italy 1969–2009. London: Legenda. Luckett M (2000) Image and nation in 1990s British cinema. In: R Murphy (ed.) British Cinema of the 90s. London: British Film Institute, 88–99. Natalini F (2005) Diavolo in corpo. In: A Aprà (ed.) Marco Bellocchio: il cinema e i film. Venice: Marsilio, 185–9. O’Leary A (2005) Film and the ‘anni di piombo’: representations of politically motivated violence in recent Italian cinema. In: G Bonsaver and RSC Gordon (eds) Culture, Censorship and the State in Twentieth-Century Italy. Oxford: Legenda, 168–78. O’Leary A (2007) Tragedia all’italiana: cinema e terrorismo tra Moro e memoria. Tissi: Angelica. O’Leary A (2008) Dead man walking: the Aldo Moro kidnap and palimpsest history in Buongiorno, notte. New Cinemas 6(1): 33–45. Pergolari A (2007) La fisionomia del terrorismo nero nel cinema poliziesco italiano degli anni ’70. In: C Uva (ed.) Schermi di piombo: il terrorismo nel cinema italiano. Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino, 159–72. Saulini M (1987) Il titolo del film diventa modulo locutivo comune. Cultura e scuola 26(102): 74–82. Sorlin P (1996) Italian National Cinema. London: Routledge. Tardi R (2005) Representations of Italian left political violence in film, literature and theatre (1973–2005). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University College London. Uva C (ed.) (2007) Schermi di piombo: Il terrorismo nel cinema italiano. Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino. Wood MP (2003) Revealing the hidden city: the cinematic conspiracy thriller of the 1970s. The Italianist 23: 150–62. Wood MP (2005) Italian Cinema. Oxford: Berg. Wood MP (forthcoming) Navigating the labyrinth: cinematic investigations of right-wing terrorism. In: R Glynn, G Lombardi and A O’Leary (eds) Terrorism Italian Style: The Representation of Terrorism and Political Violence in Contemporary Italian Cinema. London: IGRS Books. Author Biography Alan O’Leary is Senior Lecturer in Italian at the University of Leeds. He is the author of Tragedia all’italiana: cinema e terrorismo tra Moro e memoria (2007); and editor (with Pierpaolo Antonello) of Imagining Terrorism: The Rhetoric and Representation of Political Violence in Italy, 1969–2009 and (with Millicent Marcus) of the annual film issue of the journal The Italianist. In 2008 he also co-edited the special edition of Italian Studies, ‘Thinking Italian Film’, with Catherine O’Rawe.

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PostPosted: Fri Apr 19, 2013 5:42 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

'Gladio' links above don't work; it can be watched here:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GGHXjO8wHsA

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PostPosted: Wed May 15, 2013 12:17 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

To UK 911 Truth List

http://www.jungewelt.de/2013/04-20/061.php

http://www.heise.de/tp/blogs/6/153944

http://www.freitag.de/autoren/fahrwax/der-bnd-und-die-bombenleger


Here are three newspaper articles, all in German, which at a quick glance (I can read German) seem to me to be the most solid yet evidence that Operation Gladio did indeed involve multiple bomb attacks explicitly authorised by top European politicians, under pressure from the CIA and operationally organised by the German BND and the NATO say-behind groups.

This is dynamite: up to now there has been a bit of wriggle room for NATO with few court cases showing a clear chain of command from politicians at the top to bombers on the ground.

I hope someone can find the time to translate this information.

Ian Henshall
Reinvestigate 911

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PostPosted: Wed May 15, 2013 11:01 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

Here is the BBC 'Gladio' series in one video:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GGHXjO8wHsA

and here is a very good Alex Jones follow-up to it, an interview with Richard Cottrell, author of 'Gladio: NATO's Dagger at the Heart of Europe'.
He clearly links Lyman Lemnitzer ('Northwoods') to Gladio, and also to the JFK assassination (and I believe he was instrumental in the plans for the Israeli attack on the 'USS Liberty'):
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wU0fxLS0BSQ


Richard Cottrell was Tory MEP for ten years, from 1979 to 1989 (which includes the time that 'Gladio' was most active in Europe, including the 'Bologna Bombing':
http://www.europarl.europa.eu/parlArchives/mepArch/alphaOrder/view.do? language=EN&id=1721

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PostPosted: Wed May 15, 2013 3:37 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

This is a Luxembourg paper, which I believe is talking about the same issue:

http://www.wort.lu/en/view/luxembourg-bombing-suspects-tried-25-years- on-4f60b8c0e4b047833b935d43

LuxembourgPublished on 25.01.12 16:50
Listen

'Luxembourg bombing suspects tried 25 years on'

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PostPosted: Fri Sep 13, 2013 8:24 pm    Post subject: The Truthseeker 911 Operation Gladio Reply with quote

The Truthseeker 911 Operation Gladio


Link


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F1hWJsSN6M0
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PostPosted: Sun Sep 22, 2013 11:17 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

One of the best articles I could find on the modern manifestation of Gladio
designed to confound politicians, journalists and public alike THEN ignite sectarian violence


Ex-minister suspected behind Alex church bombing
Monday, 07 February 2011
http://www.alarabiya.net/articles/2011/02/07/136723.htm
By CAIRO (Farrag Ismail)
Egypt's general prosecutor on Monday opened probe on former Interior Minister Habib el-Adly's reported role in the New Year's Eve bombing of al-Qiddissin Church in Alexandria in which 24 people were killed, an Egyptian lawyer told Al Arabiya.
Laywer Ramzi Mamdouh said he had presented a proclamation to Egyptian prosecutor Abd al-Majid Mahmud to investigate news media reports suggesting that the former interior ministry had masterminded the deadly church attack with the intent to blame it on Islamists, escalate government crackdown on them, and gain increased western support for the regime.
Mahmud said the information contained in some reports were "serious."
The proclamation, numbered 1450, pointed to the news reports sourcing a UK diplomat who explained the reasons why Britain has insisted on the immediate departure of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and his regime, especially his interior ministry's security apparatus previously directed by el-Adly.
According the UK diplomatic sources quoted in the reports, the former interior minister had built up in over six years a special security system that was managed by 22 officers and that employed a number of former radical Islamists, drug dealers and some security firms to carry out acts of sabotage around the country in case the regime was under threat to collapse.
The proclamation also pointed, sourcing reports on UK intelligence services, that interior ministry officer Maj. Fathi Abdelwahid began in Dec. 11, 2011 preparing Ahmed Mohamed Khaled, who had spent 11 years in Egyptian prisons, to contact an extremist group named Jundullah and coordinate with it the attack on the Alexandria church.

"Discipline the Copts"
Khaled reportedly told the group he could assist with providing weapons he had allegedly obtained from Gaza and that the act was meant to "discipline the Copts."
After contact was made, a Jundullah leader named Mohammed Abdelhadi agreed to cooperate in the plot and recruited a man named Abdelrahman Ahmed Ali to drive a car wired with explosives, park it in front of the church and then leave it to be detonated by remote control, according to the report.
But Maj. Abdelwahid, who worked for the interior ministry, reportedly detonated the car before the Jundullah recruit got out, therefore killing him and 24 worshipers in the church.
After the attack, the interior ministry officer asked Khaled to go meet the Jundullah leader in an Alexandria apartment and evaluate the success of the attack.
A few days later the two men met in an apartment in Alexandrian's Abdel-Moneim Riad street. During their meeting Maj. Abdelwahid and his security forces raided the apartment and arrested them. They were then driven immediately on ambulance to an interior ministry building in Cairo.
They stayed in detention until Jan. 28 when the ministry of interior and its security system broke down allowing them to escape as did thousands of prisoners around the country.
When they fled, both the men went straight to the UK embassy in Cairo and told the story of how they were set up by the government to carry out terrorist attacks, according to the reports.l

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PostPosted: Wed Mar 05, 2014 11:46 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

"Operation Gladio [BBC Timewatch..." This video is no longer available due to a copyright claim by BBC Worldwide Ltd..
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7fB6nViwJcM

but still here

Operation Gladio - Full 1992 documentary BBC

Link

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GGHXjO8wHsA
Originally aired on BBC2 in 1992, 'Operation Gladio' reveals 'Gladio', the secret state-sponsored terror network operating in Europe.
This BBC series is about a far-right secret army, operated by the CIA and MI6 through NATO, which killed hundreds of innocent Europeans and attempted to blame the deaths on Baader Meinhof, Red Brigades and other left wing groups. Known as 'stay-behinds' these armies were given access to military equipment which was supposed to be used for sabotage after a Soviet invasion. Instead it was used in massacres across mainland Europe as part of a CIA Strategy of Tension. Gladio killing sprees in Belgium and Italy were carried out for the purpose of frightening the national political classes into adopting U.S. policies

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PostPosted: Tue Jun 24, 2014 7:49 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Gladio 1 - The Real ODESSA: NATO secretly worked with Klaus Barbie & SS Generals AFTER the war

Link

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M7dc1znhjxw
http://youtu.be/yTZPFMRaCmU

Gladio 2 - NATO fascist arms cache in a Churchyard: Operation Gladio NATO's Secret Army
http://youtu.be/M7dc1znhjxw

"SS Oberstgruppenfuhrer Paul Hausser (seen here as an Obergruppenfuhrer while commanding the Das Reich division in Russia winter 1941) was unquestionably the ablest military commander in the Waffen SS. After the war he sought to re-establish the reputation of the SS and claimed that the foreign units of the SS were really the precursors of the NATO army."
Taken from pages 24/25 of 'Waffen SS at War' by A. J. Barker, Ian Allen Ltd., 1982, ISBN 0 7110 1099 4
http://www.bilderberg.org/nato.htm#hausser

Paul Hausser - Part I
http://www.bilderberg.org/nato.htm#1
by Theo Fruendt - 24th May 2007
There is a reason for the fact that there are no precise documentations about personalities like Paul Hausser who initiated the military training of the Waffen SS in 1934: In 1959 Hausser became the founder of a organisation called HIAG (Hilfsgemeinschaft auf Gegenseitigkeit der Angehoerigen der ehemaligen Waffen SS = the auxiliary community on mutuality of the members of the former weapons SS) . He was at this time already 79 years.
This organisation of former members of Waffen SS maintained contacts to all relevant political parties in Germany. Thus for example the Federal Chancellor of Germany, at that time Adenauer, visited condemned war criminals in the prison of Verler and have had a conversation with the former Waffen SS general Kurt Meyer. Meyer, known as „Panzermeyer “, was selected in the year 1959 to become the HIAG spokes person.
As a member of the German parliament, the Social Democrat, SPD, Helmut Schmidt reported to HIAG Hamburg in the year 1954 with that to the topic „Soldatentum and social-democracy “with the intention „difficulties from the way to vacate “, which with „the HIAG Fürsorgearbeit still on the part of the SPD meet weapon SS veterans “.Helmut Schmidt became chancellor from 1974 till 1982 and was a strong advocate of re armouring debate for stationing of nuclear short-range missiles.
Paul Hausser died in September 1972 in the age of 92 years he was active in the HAIG society to his late 80’s and due to his lobbying for the HAIG-society it resulted in remarkable political success, so for example the equalization of pension for former members of Waffen SS with all former members of the regular German Armed Forces. This indicated that the Waffen SS was not illegal anymore. In this consent the society succeeded to accomplish public meetings with up to 20.000 participants in public.

NATO's Secret Armies: Operation Gladio and Terrorism in Western Europe by Daniele Ganser
Published on December 22, 2004
Published by Frank Cass Publishers
Hardback ISBN: 0714656070
Paperback ISBN: 0714685003
http://www.bilderberg.org/nato.htm#Gladio
The CIA and the British secret service MI6, in collaboration with the military alliance NATO and European military secret services set up a network of clandestine anticommunist armies in Western Europe after World War II. The secret soldiers were trained on remote islands in the Mediterranean and in unorthodox warfare centers in England and in the United States by the Green Berets and SAS Special Forces.
The network was armed with explosives, machine guns and high-tech communication equipment hidden in underground bunkers and secret arms caches in forests and mountain meadows. In some countries the secret army linked up with right-wing terrorist who in a secret war engaged in political manipulation, harrassement of left wing parties, massacres, coup 'Etats and torture.
Codenamed "Gladio" ('the sword'), the Italian secret army was exposed in 1990 by Italian Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti to the Italian Senate, whereupon the press spoke of "The best kept, and most damaging, political-military secret since World War II" (Observer, 18. November 1990) and observed that "The story seems straight from the pages of a political thriller." (The Times, November 19, 1990).
Ever since, so-called 'stay-behind' armies of NATO have also been discovered in France, Spain, Portugal, Germany, Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxemburg, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Switzerland, Austria, Greece and Turkey.
They were internationally coordinated by the Pentagon and NATO and had their last known meeting in the NATO-linked Allied Clandestine Committee (ACC) in Brussels in October 1990.

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PostPosted: Thu Jun 26, 2014 11:36 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

some nice little screen grabs from the Gladio show
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PostPosted: Mon Aug 25, 2014 10:29 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

NATO's Secret Armies (2009)
by Andreas Pichler
Friday Jul 9th, 2010 7:17 AM
In 1990, alarming evidence of NATO-sponsored terrorist attacks came to light. This is the shocking story of Operation Gladio; a tale of espionage, conspiracy and political violence [47mins]
http://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2010/07/09/18653266.php


http://64.150.186.181/presstv/program/20140824/0824_tmn.mp4

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PostPosted: Sun Sep 28, 2014 12:35 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

FEAR AS A WEAPON
THE EFFECTS OF PSYCHOLOGICAL WARFARE ON
DOMESTIC AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Since antiquity, strategists have advised the use of propaganda and
other psychological techniques to spread fear among the enemy in order
to bring about his defeat. However, the methods to create and
manipulate fear also involve terrorism (sometimes state-sponsored)
and may target domestic populations in order to make them receptive
or hostile to certain political or economic policies.
http://911blogger.com/news/2010-07-12/new-documentary-about-operation- gladio-and-false-flag-terrorism

DANIELE GANSER
http://www.danieleganser.ch/Fear_as_a_Weapon_1211544214.html
download PDF
http://www.danieleganser.ch/assets/files/Inhalte/Publikationen/Fachzei tschriften/GanserPsywarFearWorldAffairsWinter2005.pdf

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